Legal Boxer Briefs :: Jewsade for Justice

How Fundamentalist Christian Communities Affect the Health of Sexual Minorities

Nobody realizes that some people expend tremendous energy merely to be normal.
(An Absurd Reasoning, Albert Camus)

For a number of years a debate has been raging on the role of religion in medicine. Some studies have found that there is a positive correlation between religion and health, others claim that this evidence is spurious. Because of the plenary of religions, ways of defining religion and spirituality, and possible confounding factors, the diversity of findings is not surprising. Nonetheless, these studies are not without their similarities. For example, the vast majority focus on the religiosity of Christian Americans. Furthermore, it seems that the vast majority of studies point to the fact that whatever correlation that might exist between religion and health is a result of the lifestyle associated with religiosity (Koenig et al. 125). Indeed, while various studies have linked high religiosity with decreased depression and substance abuse, they have noted that this is a function of community influence, rather than the power of individual belief per se (Matthews et al. 120-122). Even beyond the realm of mental health, it is noted that “many patients who become ill rely heavily on their religious beliefs as a coping strategy” (122). Koenig et al. note that “religious and spiritual activities provide many people with comfort in the face of illness” and that “religion increases social support” (124, 126). Thus, research has also shown that those who are active in their religious communities find much support within those communities when they are ill, depressed, or otherwise in need of help.

At the same time, many Christian fundamentalist communities strongly condemn homosexuality, bisexuality, and being transgender. As a result of these condemnations, many homosexuals are forced to remain in the closet and live in constant fear of being discovered. This will be discussed at length later.

Those who are discovered or who are brave enough to come out are told that their orientation is ‘not normal’ or ‘a disease’. Very often, family members, or indeed the community as a whole, will attempt to ‘cure’ homosexuals of their ‘affliction’ through a variety of methods, including prayer sessions and forced internment at ex-gay camps.

Whether a homosexual in an extremely religious community remains closeted or not, the effects of such an environment can be devastating to mental health, self-esteem, and the will to live. Furthermore, living in such an environment can foster very high levels of stress for extended periods of time. Such stress has been associated with sometimes very severe illness (Gazzaniga and Heatherton 411). As a result, we can expect that, among sexual minorities in religious communities or families (gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender individuals) religiosity is not positively correlated with longevity.

Yet there has been relatively little research done on the topic. In a society where heterosexuality is assumed of all people, it is perhaps not surprising that the effects of religious experiences upon lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) youth have been completely ignored. Nonetheless, this does not mean that this failure is either justified or acceptable. Indeed, it is imperative to look at the effects of religion upon the health of this group in particular because of the ways in which religion – and Christian fundamentalism in particular – has interacted with it in the past.

There is another reason I have chosen to examine Christian fundamentalist communities specifically: religious fundamentalism has been linked to homophobic attitudes. In a study entitled “Religious Fundamentalism as a Predictor of Prejudice: a Two-Component Model” the researchers; Brian Laythe, Deborah G. Finkel, Robert G. Bringle and Lee A. Kirkpatrick; used three measures of archetypical fundamentalist religiosity – religious fundamentalism, right-wing authoritarianism, and Christian orthodoxy – to determine if each is an accurate predictor of prejudice. They concluded that “religious fundamentalism [as well as right-wing authoritarianism] was a significant positive predictor of prejudice against gays and lesbians” (Laythe et al. 623). With this information in mind, one can predict the failure of the religious social support systems for GLBT youth. Moreover, it is likely that those very systems would have the opposite effect upon a sexual minority.

In fact, the findings of a study conducted by Lindquist and Hirabayashi suggest that not only do sexual minorities in highly religious Christian communities have insufficient social support structures, but they also lack the appropriate support structures. According to the study, “autobiographical accounts…and the writings of gay activists…have stressed the importance of subcultural involvement in providing the individual with the…social supports necessary to neutralize the negative evaluations and reactions of the larger non-gay society” (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 90). However, such support structures are completely denied to GLBT youth because they are suppressed in Fundamentalist communities. Indeed, according to Bass and Kaufman, “for many lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth, religious institutions have not been a source of support or nurturance. Instead, they have been places of condemnation, rejection, and hatred” (259). Without these structures, sexual minorities in such communities are denied the ability to gain “a redefinition of what it means to be gay – in terms other than those provided by society stereotypes” (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 93). It is therefore not surprising that many GLBT youth feel guilty about their identity as they come to realize their feelings. Bass and Kaufman reprint the story of Rick, a gay Catholic:

I got really scared about going to hell when I was younger. My dad would give me those comic books that depicted gay people as in the Roman era with big huge earrings and lipstick and beards and long hair. They just looked like really vile creatures. They were dressed as women and chasing little boys…that freaked me out…Even now, a lot of times when I have sex I feel guilty afterward (261).

Though Rick was not raised in a Christian fundamentalist community, both Catholics and Christian fundamentalists share a common intolerance for sexual minorities. Indeed, fundamentalism has been shown to be a stronger predictor of homophobia (Laythe et al. 623). Therefore, it would not be surprising to find that youth raised in fundamentalist communities would undergo similar, if not more extreme, experiences. And, indeed, any person, exposed solely to such negative depictions of one’s own minority group for the entirety of one’s childhood, would internalize whatever prejudice to which those depictions spoke.

Not surprisingly, this prejudice would constitute an additional stressor in the life of the individual experiencing it – in this case, Rick. This additional stressor – or at least the effects of the stressor – are unique to people like Rick; to sexual minorities. That is, a heterosexual exposed to “comic books that depicted gay people… [as] vile creatures” is not likely to feel particularly stressed as a result, though such exposure might cause irrational fear and hatred of homosexuals (Bass and Kaufman 261). This experience is an example of “minority stress”, the exact definition of which varies slightly from study to study (Lewis 717). Generally, minority stress can be defined as stress caused by experiences which are unique to a given minority. Often, it is the result of “the juxtaposition of minority and dominant values and the resultant conflict with the social environment experienced by minority group members” (Meyer 39). For GLBT people, examples would include homophobic comments, threats, and being sent to an ex-gay camp. These ex-gay camps are facilities to which GLBT people, mostly youth, are sent to be ‘cured’ of their ‘sexual deviancy’ through a variety of methods, including counseling and “involuntary live-in indoctrination” (Melzer, Airhart). There have been reports that such ‘reparative therapy’ can cause guilt and suicidal feelings later in life (Palazzolo). In one case, a gay teenager named Zach came out to his parents. He recounted the following story on his weblog: “My mother, father, and I had a very long ‘talk’ … where they let me know I am to apply for a fundamentalist Christian program for gays … I’m a big screwup to them, who isn’t on the path God wants me to be on. So I’m sitting here in tears” (Palazzolo). It should not be surprising, therefore, that those sexual minorities who find themselves in Christian fundamentalist communities face a greater amount of minority stress than their counterparts elsewhere.

Given these conditions, it can be expected that those lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender people who have not yet fully “come out” will act the part of a heterosexual. Though this is a fact of life for many GLBT youth, for those in Christian fundamentalist communities, the stakes are raised. The effects of such a double life can be psychologically damaging, according to a number of studies.

The Lindquist and Hirabayashi study addressed this very phenomenon by exploring the concept of the marginal situation: “Marginal situations are those social situations in which individuals are potentially confronted with incompatible normative expectations of belief, attitude and behavior as a consequence of their simultaneous occupancy of two contradictory or differently evaluated statuses” (88). Marginal situations, they claim, are deeply psychologically disturbing and can cause such changes in personality as “self-doubt, sudden shifts in mood, self-consciousness, feelings of inadequacy, loneliness and isolation, hypersensitivity, excessive concern about the future, plus others” (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 88).

According to that same study, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people are unlike other minorities because their “early experiences are [not] within the protective fold of an ethnic community” and as a result “the gay person grows up within and acquires first the culture of the dominant society” (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 89). This means, first of all, that sexual minorities have no social support network of their own in place – they rely on support networks of whatever social groups they are in. Though they face far more peril and stress than their peers, they have the same amount of support. As such, they necessarily have an increased dependence on those support networks. When those networks fail, or are perceived as having failed (such as when a child is sent to a “ex-gay camp” to be “cured” of his or her non-heterosexuality), it is more likely that the impact of that failure – be it perceived or actual – will be much more psychologically and emotionally damaging and significant to that person. For example, J.M., who was forced by his parents to attend an ex-gay facility, said of his experience, “the place was like a Nazi camp. I lost faith in God, friends, family” (Melzer). Second, this means that those sexual minorities which are raised in homophobic communities – such as Christian fundamentalist ones – are very likely to internalize the homophobia they face every day. That is, because they “acquire…the culture of the dominant society”, and because that culture is necessarily one hostile to non-heterosexuals, it is likely that a sexual minority will face a struggle between what they believe to be expected of them and who they actually are (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 89).

Because of this exposure to a culture with which they strongly identify (because strongly religious communities tend to foster stronger social bonds than others) and at the same time hold views which are contrary to their nature, many GLBT people – especially those in religious communities – feel the effects of an internal struggle between inward and outward identity (Ellison and George 57). Lindquist and Hirabayashi state that “the greater the individual’s identification with or commitment to conventional society and the greater his perception of rejection from that society (either anticipated or experienced) the greater his feelings of psychological discomfort” (92). Therefore, because of the strongly knit community which had been established before the individual’s realization of his or her sexual identity, that conflict will be all the more painful (Ellison and George 57). This is a result of many factors, but two stand out. First, the sudden irrelevance of the social support structures will deny the youth very much needed encouragement. Second, because the community bonds in Christian fundamentalist communities are especially strong and those bonds will increase “the individual’s identification with or commitment to conventional society”, any “feelings of psychological discomfort” will therefore be similarly increased (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 92).

Whether they make the choice to tell others about their sexuality themselves or they are discovered, the effect is the same: that internal struggle suddenly becomes external as well. Perhaps one of the most vulnerable times in the life of a young GLBT person is the period during which they are coming out. Indeed, studies have shown that those youth who had negative coming-out experiences or faced subsequent related discrimination or negative reactions were more likely to attempt suicide (Lewis 717). When it is taken into consideration that many of the attitudes that are found in such communities (Christian fundamentalism, orthodoxy, and right-wing authoritarianism) are significant predictors of homophobic sentiments, (Laythe et al. 623) we can see that a coming out experience in a Christian fundamentalist community is more likely to be negative, and those negative reactions are more likely to carry far-reaching repercussions.

All of these factors – lack of support, minority stress, marginal situations, and internalized homophobia – can lead to a wide variety of psychological or physical ailments, including suicidal thoughts, depression, “sudden shifts in mood, self-consciousness, feelings of inadequacy, loneliness and isolation, hypersensitivity,” as well as chronic stress (Lindquist and Hirabayashi 88). In fact, an increasing amount of literature points to a connection between minority stress and “psychological stress in general” (Lewis 717). The effects of this “psychological stress” are wide-ranging, but include most prominently suicidal tendencies and chronic depression. Furthermore, according to a number of studies cited in the Lewis study, “gay-related stress has been consistently associated with psychological distress in general as well as with bulimia” (Lewis 717).

Given their situation, it is not surprising that many sexual minorities will become depressed. While it has been noted that depression has both genetic and biological factors, it must be emphasized that environmental factors play an extremely important role (Gazzaniga and Heatherton 540). For example, it has been noted that depression is more likely when an individual is faced with “multiple negative events” (540). And indeed, this is exactly the case for many GLBT youth in Christian fundamentalist communities: Lewis et al. found that those “participants who reported more severe life stress and more severe gay-related stress also reported more depressive symptoms” (Lewis 723).

Another model of depression that is relevant is called the “learned helplessness model” wherein an individual feels that he or she has no control over his or her life. This model was based off of research which found that if an animal is placed in an aversive situation yet finds that it cannot escape, it will “become passive and unresponsive” and will not attempt new methods of escape (Gazzaniga and Heatherton 541). In many fundamentalist communities, youth are told that homosexuality is a choice or a disease which can be changed. Unable to, in fact, change their orientation or escape their situation many sexual minorities in those communities become depressed and become passive. Sometimes, they see suicide as the only end. One boy reported that “I literally tormented myself in adolescence…tormented myself with prayer, agony, hoping that that would change, believing that it might….Until finally I reached the point where I thought this is not going to change…and I thought the easy thing to do for all concerned…would be just to walk into the ocean—and end it” (Bass and Kaufman 261).

Unfortunately, this boy’s experience is not out of the ordinary. According to a study in the Report of the Secretary’s Task Force on Youth Suicide, the suicide rate for gay youth that is twice or three times as high as that of their heterosexual counterparts (Gibson 110). The study goes on to state that “suicide is the leading cause of death among gay male, lesbian, bisexual and transsexual youth” (110). Given that the causes of depressive and suicidal tendencies are more prevalent and powerful amongst GLBT youth in Christian fundamentalist communities, it should be expected that the suicide rate would increase as well.

Yet while it is most common to associate all of these emotional and psychological causes with emotional and psychological effects, the relationship between psychological and physical health must be kept in mind. First, it should be considered that while gay youths in general must cope with gay-related minority stress, they are further burdened, on average, with “three to five times more negative…stress than their heterosexual counterparts” (Lewis 718). Thus, if we make the logical assumption that non-heterosexuals in Christian fundamentalist communities experience far more marginal situations than those who do not live in such communities (because they are more likely to experience more negative repercussions, as well as for a variety of other reasons), it would make sense to assume that they would therefore experience more stress than the average non-heterosexual. In addition, it is very likely that sexual minorities in such communities experience more minority stress and more internalized homophobia (due to constant exposure to homophobic rhetoric and relationships with people who espouse homophobic beliefs). When combined, which is likely very often, these factors can result in an extremely heavy burden of stress upon any sexual minority.

Many studies have been conducted on the negative effects of stress on physical well-being. For example, according to the study by Lewis et al., “there is a growing literature that links stress and immunity with a variety of outcomes such as the common cold, wound healing, cancer, HIV, and infection” (Lewis 717). In addition, over an extended period of time stress is noted to cause a variety of other problems, ranging from heart disease and the onset of diabetes to dwarfism and memory impairments (Gazzaniga and Heatherton 411).

Beyond the stresses arising from the previously-discussed causes, there have been direct links made between certain factors and their effects on health. For example, one study found that internalized homophobia is a “precipitating factor in several aspects of illness” and can further the progression of certain illnesses, such as breast cancer (Lewis 717). Less directly, persons with internalized homophobia are less likely than those without to make use of the health care resources available to them (717).

Given these possible afflictions, it is shocking that the possible effects of including religion in medicine on GLBT people in particular has been ignored. Nonetheless, this examination of numerous studies has provided a glimpse into what a well-funded and accurate study on the topic might find: that growing up – or living – in a Christian fundamentalist community – a community in which the push for religion in medicine would be the strongest – would very likely have a significant negative impact upon the mental and physical health of a sexual minority. Indeed, one could even expect that living in such an environment could decrease longevity, contrary to what the findings of Mathews et al. and Koenig et al. might suggest. The extension of fundamentalist religion into medicine would grant credence to any variety of incorrect beliefs – including the idea that homosexuality is a choice – which are already devastating to the health of GLBT youth. Because this exposure could have such a significant negative effect on the life of a large minority of individuals, it is therefore necessary that the medical and scientific community consider the status of sexual minorities within the United States – and within Christian fundamentalist communities in particular – before concluding the debate on the role of religion in health.

Sources Cited:

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Ellison, Christopher G., Gordon Hirabayashi, “Religious Involvement, Social ties, and Social Support in a Southeastern Community.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 33(1994): 46-61.

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Lindquist, Neil, Gordon Hirabayashi, “Coping With Marginal Situations: The Case of Gay Males.” Canadian Journal of Sociology. 4(1979): 87-104.

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Melzer, Eartha. “Tenn. opens new probe of ‘ex-gay’ facility: Experts say children should not be forced into counseling.” National News. 01 July 2005. Washington Blade. 6 Dec 2007 <http://www.washblade.com/2005/7-1/news/national/tenopen.cfm>.

Meyer, Ilan H., “Minority Stress and Mental Health in Gay Men.” Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 36(1995): 38-56.

Palazzolo, Rose. “‘Ex-Gay’ Camps, Therapy Programs Attract Controversy.” ABC News 28 July 2005 2. 19 Nov 2007 <http://abcnews.com.com/GMA/Health/story?id=983209&page>.

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note: this essay was submitted for ENGL C1010.53 at Columbia University on December 11, 2007.